Sanguo yan yi: Ren Yi Zhi Yung

Virtues of the Characters of the Three Kingdoms:

Benevolence, Uprightness, Wisdom and Courage

by Ba Cam Ma 

Introduction

    While justice always triumphs in most novels about the presumably honest and virtuous ones, in certain Chinese historic fictions the Confucian heroes themselves have become the victims of tragic injustice in their very conscientiousness to serve the throne.  Furthermore, their deeds have been constantly questioned since then.  The most beloved heroes are nearly always those who have done their best to repel enemy aggression and quell civil rebellion even if by doing so they have to suffer calumny, disgrace, and death.  They ought to have the exemplification of the highest type of selfless service.  They ought to have the virtues of benevolence 仁, uprightness 義, wisdom 智, and courage 勇.  Yet the magnificent human characters and spectacular events within and among the three combatant camps in the third century still receive different criticisms made by literary connoisseurs of different time as well as different space.

    Furthermore, the great military strategist Sun zi 孫子 says, "The commander stands for the virtues of wisdom, sincerity, benevolence, courage, and strictness.  將者、智、信、仁、勇、嚴也。" (Trans.  Lionel Giles).  Therefore, one's social and personal morality are what we should examine and make judgment accordingly with respect to time and space.  Through the following discussion of some of the major characters such as Liu Pei 劉備, and Liu's adversary Cao Cao 曹操, Guan Yu 關羽, Zhang Fei 張飛, and Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 in "The Romance of

the Three Kingdoms," or Sanguo yanyi 三國演義, we would see that scholars do not always declare them equitably because most often they judge them on their own frames of reference.  

The Benevolent Liu Pei

    From Sanguo yanyi, regardless whoever the authentic author is, we all know that Liu Xuande 劉玄德, or Liu Pei 劉備 is supposedly a remote descendant of the Han imperial family.  Unlike his counterpart Cao Mengde 曹孟德 or Cao Cao, Liu Pei is no scholar but rather from a poor household that lives off selling sandals and weaving mats as told in Sanguo zhi.  For this reason, what he needs is a good reputation so that he could be able to set a foot on the stage of politics.  He is not in an advantageous position as Cao Cao who already has strong political background.  Therefore, Liu Pei has to build up his fame so that he can agitate positive echoes among the people of all levels.  Besides, he begins his career to achieve the royal rule and the throne with the banner that he is a hereditary Han ruler.  Therefore, he is presumably a legitimate successor of the Han throne.  Furthermore, his political implementation is just

the opposite of his adversary Cao Cao, and this kind of idea has been widely accepted and welcome by the audience of the historic fiction and of the storytellers.

    There is no doubt that he is a man of great ambition.  First of all, he has all along been having the desire of becoming an emperor.  In chapter one of the received version of Sanguo yanyi, even when he is a child playing under the mulberry tree which from afar resembles the canopy of an imperial chariot, we can see that Liu Pei says he would one day be the Son of Heaven, and he should ride on this chariot.  Of course, there is nothing wrong because that is just child talks.  Nevertheless, Although it may not be historically validated, it is the preliminary layout of Liu Pei's ambition told in Sanguo yanyi.  

    Another evidence to show his desire of becoming an emperor is how he names the two of his sons.  One is Liu Feng 劉封 and the other is Liu Chan 劉禪.  In the Book of Shu, or Shu shu 蜀書 in Sanguo zhi 三國志--the so-called orthodox history about the Three Kingdom period, it says that Liu Feng is an adopted son of Liu Pei.  And Liu Chan is Liu Pei's own begotten son who succeeds Liu Pei's throne in the twenty fourth years of Jian An period 建安(A.D. 219).  If we put the two son's names together as Feng Chan 封禪, it turns out to be a sacrificial rite designated only for the emperor who would do sacrifice to heaven and earth

(Nie Gannu 聶紺弩 4).  Perhaps we could say that is only a coincidence.  However, the probability of such a coincidence is so low that could hardly convince anyone.  Furthermore, it seems very difficult to verify whether Liu Pei actually names him Feng 封 after he adopts him or not.  

    How does he work towards achieving his goal of being an emperor?  Many crititics say that it is his tolerance, generosity, humbleness and best of all, his employment of capable people that bring him to become a head of state. Yao Jinong 姚季農 analyzes that Liu Pei's being welcome among the common folks is through his act of being a knight errant, or you xia 遊俠.  The moral standard of a knight errant is that he must render what he says and must not give a

promise that he cannot fulfill; he would offer assistance to those who are endangered and in a dilemma; he does not take credit for his meritorious achievement; he is undaunted and selfless.  Yao Jinong says that during the Three Kingdoms period, except Liu Pei, Guan Yu, Zhang Fei and Zhao Yun, there is no one who lives up to the standard of being a knight errant stated in Han History, or Han Shu 漢書 and Historic Records, or Shi Ji 史記 (15-16).  

   Is Liu Pei truly a benevolent person or a knight errant who lives up to the above standard that Yao Jinong defines?  It is interesting to examine what treatment the author of Sanguo yanyi applies in describing this character of Liu Pei.  The oath in the famous legendary sworn brotherhood in the Peach Garden can serve as a reference for us to evaluate Liu Pei.  This sworn brotherhood cannot be validated since it is never mentioned anywhere else in Sanguo zhi or Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑.  However, the relationship between this so-called sworn brotherhood is nevertheless as close as being brothers of one another as told in history.  In Moss Robert's translation, it reads, 

We three, Liu Pei, Guan Yu, and Zhang Fei, though of separate birth, now bind ourselves in brotherhood, combining our strength and purpose to relieve the present crisis.  Thus we may fulfill our duty to home and country and defend the common folk of the land.  We could not help our separate births, but on the self same day we mean to die!  Shining imperial Heaven, fruitful Queen Earth, witness our determination, and may god and man jointly scourge whichever of us fails his duty or forgetshis obligation. (9).

    It is quite obvious that Liu Pei does not fulfill this oath that he takes in the legendary Peach Garden. As for propriety, he does take vengeance for his sworn brother Guan Yu by mustering troops against the state of Wu 吳 of Sun Quan 孫權, but he does not literally die for each other as he vows in the Peach Garden Oath.  In reality, Liu Pei does not take the relationship between them as sworn brothers, but between a lord and a servant as well.  

   As for the instance Liu Pei drops his suckling son down to the ground as Zhao Yun 趙雲 returns him his son, we can either interpret it as Liu Pei places his relationship with his worthy subordinates above family, or as Liu Pei is a hypocrite.  Nevertheless, such incident can neither be found in the biography of Zhao Yun 趙雲 and Liu Chan 劉禪 nor in Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑.  This act of Liu Pei can only be taken as the author's hyperbolization about Liu Pei.  

   Can we still say that Liu Pei has lived up to the standard of being a knight errant or a benevolent person?  Living in a society that people values yi 義 highly, Liu Pei, on the one hand, he accepts such thoughts.  On the other, he denies the effect that yi 義 brings about.  Similarly, he encourages others to disseminate such moral quality while he tries to evade the consequence of yi 義 which he himself must render the covenant that yi brings about as well.  In other words, he does not take up the moral obligation of being sworn brothers to one another.  He looks more like manipulating his sworn brothers to serve him than taking up the obligatory promise of brotherhood.  Of course, such assumption is not merely made from the historic fiction but from Sanguo zhi and Zizhi tongjian.  

   Furthermore, in Sanguo zhi, Chen Shou 陳壽 says that he never displays pleasure or anger.  In other words, he is not an open and unreserved kind of person.  However, both authors of Sanguo zhi and Sanguo yanyi seem to have described Liu Pei as a person who would easily shed his tears, or to be more precise, a lachrymose.  In many incidents, he looks so helpless that he has no other alternative but to take up the humiliation at Zhuge Liang's disposal.  

   The reason why Liu Pei is not considered as a villain, or a negative character is because he is one of the Liu imperial clans of the Han court.  Despite his many character flaws, he is being accepted as a legitimate successor the Han throne. The war he wages is supposedly a righteous war.  What he says is presumably upright.  By such logic, it even further ascertains the legitimate status of Liu Pei.  Such reasoning is systematically stated in "How to Read the Romance of the Three Kingdoms" translated by Roy and Rolston (152-195). 

The Treacherous Cao Cao

   From the begin of the introduction of Sanguo yanyi about Cao Cao, the Chancellor and the Prince of Wei, it seems that the author has laid out the forecast of Cao Cao's craftiness.  What the author does is by telling an anecdote of Cao Cao's childhood that he pretends to have a stroke to trick his father.  After all, Cao Cao is definitely from a powerful and distinguished family.  With such family background, it is not hard for him to earn a high status in politics.  Despite the descriptions in Sanguo yanyi about Cao Cao's craftiness, scholars have praised him highly about his military tactics and literary talent.  

   Before he reaches the age of twenty, he already acquires a reputation that he is an able vassal in peaceful age and a crafty traitor in chaotic turmoil 治世能臣, 亂世奸雄.  In fact, it seems that he is being described to be greatly pleased with such comments made to him as told in Sanguo yanyi.  Of course, the author could have the sided-views of Cao Cao.  Strictly speaking, this comment can be found in the Chen Shou's Sanguo zhi or the commentary made by a Southern Song scholar Pei Songzhi 裴松之.

   For the concept of being fraudulent, Cao Cao has received numerous attentions for many centuries.  Some scholars from the Communist mainland China have tried to defend his treacherous image.  Their argument is that the judgments made to Cao Cao are primarily based on the so-called Ruist ideology 儒家思想 which promotes the teaching of etiquette, or proper manner 禮, propriety 義, modesty 廉 and shame 恥.  In an article by Yan Ji 嚴己, he says that the false accusation against Cao Cao is based on this Confucian thinking.  By blaming the author of this historic fiction and his subjective judgment in the creation of this fiction, Yan Ji defends Cao Cao and tries to justify the slaughter of Dong Cheng 董承 Wang Zhifu 王子服 and Wu Zhilan 吳子蘭.  Indeed, their deaths are caused by their conspiracy pleaded by the Emperor Xian 獻帝 to kill Cao Cao.  However, Yan Ji finds no justification in the massacre before and after this incident as mentioned in Sanguo yanyi.  What he says is that there is no such historic proof found in Sanguo zhi.  Conclusively, he says that the massacre is but the author's creativity and by which the author uses to demonize Cao Cao so that he could promote the idea of propriety 義 to anesthetize, manipulate, suppress and deceit  the mind of the people.  Yan Ji even applauds the killing of the three conspirators and disregards the traditionally accepted murderous behavior of Cao Cao.

   From a modern perspective, we often regard him as a skillful politician, an extraordinary militarist, or even a literary man with his own unique style.  However, it does not hurt that we seek out the criticisms how scholars of the contemporary have made about Cao Cao.  How do people conceive Cao Cao in the very early Chinese tradition?

   The first one we may deal with should be none other than Chen Shou 陳壽, the author of Sanguo zhi 三國志.  He seems to have evaluated him rather highly to some extent.  He says that Cao Cao is an outstanding politician and talented militarist who has finally united the fragmented empire.  In fact, it is his son Cao Pi  曹丕 who eventually usurps his throne and runs the empire.  However, one ought to know that a historian is not to have personal comments toward a particular historic character but to be unbiased.

   During the late Han, Cao Cao is undoubtedly an outstanding historic figure.  It is rather strange that after all these centuries he has not been highly praised.  Why?  As we all know, there is a point, though it should not be emphasized, that people have been influenced by the long term exposure to the storyteller tradition, and local drama that often have a negative view toward Cao Cao.  Meanwhile his supposedly murderous behavior could certainly be not welcome among the audiences who read this historic vernacular fiction to some extent.  The prejudice against Cao Cao is by no means understandable.

   In the Sanguo yanyi, his character could be defined in the following sentence.   In the episode that he kills the whole family of Lu Boche 呂伯奢, probably what the readers find his conduct disgusting is through the influence of what he says: "I am rather being ungrateful to others than others being ungrateful to me. 寧我負人, 毋人負我."  This is certainly not a Confucian doctrine.  In the Analects 15.23, Confucius says, "...What you do not wish others to do unto you, do not do unto them...己所不欲﹐勿施於人。"  Thus, in the eyes of the readers or the audiences who learn about Cao Cao's murderous behaviors, Cao Cao definitely cannot be taken as a Confucian gentleman 君子 but rather as a petty person 小人 by the definition of Confucian teaching of being a gentleman and a petty person.  Here we verify that Yan Ji's argument is indeed logical.

   There is no doubt that Cao Cao is qualified to be an extraordinary figure throughout Chinese history.  However, time seems to be a fair-minded judge.  In other words, it is true only if the favorable comments could withstand the test of time.  As for any historical figure, it does not matter how lofty the personality of this person is praised; how great the achievements of this person has; how distinctive the merits of this person attains; how evil this person is claimed to be, if this figure continuously receives positive comments through the passage of time, this individual would truly be an extraordinary person.  Because whatever judgment people make about him is based on their concept of the moral standard as well as a society they live.

   Regardless whatever criticism there have been towards him, it seems to be a fruitless quest seeking for a final and fair conclusion about Cao Cao.  Even the fairest historian cannot be absolutely unprejudiced.  Therefore whoever rushes to a conclusion about Cao Cao or any person of the antiquity from a modern perspective and not from an ancient panorama, it will certainly be a futile search.  Considering what Sun zi says, we can say that Cao Cao is wise, but not trustworthy; he is stern and courageous, but not humane.

he Upright Guan Yu

    Although Guan Yu 關羽 is one of the meritorious generals of the Three Kingdoms period, some scholars discredit his being loyal, courageous, and devoted as foolishness.  Nevertheless, scholars and critics of the pre-Communist period generally agree that this historic fiction as a whole is disappointing in terms of literary value.  Some of them go to two extremes in criticizing the portraits of this character without considering the traditional values of the people of those times.  There is no doubt that this fictionalized novel is not an instant product of Luo Guanzhong 羅貫中, who has reputedly been claimed to be the author, but a historical novel that has gone through the process of the form of traditional story telling, the form of local performance in the corner of the streets, and repeated revisions of the story (Liu Ts'un-yan 柳存仁 85-114).

After all, it is critical for us to be open minded and be objective to the portraits of the characters.  If we accept the fact that this historic fiction is written as early as the Yuan and Ming period, we will not find it difficult to believe that Guan Yu has been worshipped as a deity since then; and perhaps even much earlier.  People who have read Sanguo yanyi will agree that Guan Yu is a symbol of loyalty 忠 and propriety 義.   Quite often, this historic fiction gives its audiences the grandeur, magnificent and powerful impression of Guan Yu.

   The following is the two extreme cases in the approach of criticizing the character of Guan Yu.  Basically, they can be categorized as a negative and a positive point of views.  The Marxist criticism about Guan Yu is negative while the pre-Communist period writers have a more mild critic leaning over the positive side of the scale.

   As for the case of the Marxist view, this writer Yuan Shishuo 袁世碩 enunciates an opposing theory to denounce Guan Yu's traditionally accepted virtuous quality.  Such quality is being viewed as the products of the feudal society preceded the communist one.  Moreover, this character's symbolic quality of loyalty and propriety is said to be an ornate by-product of the feudal society as well as of the ruling class used to anesthetize the mind of the people.  His argument is primarily  based on the judgment of Marxist's ideology toward this type of social behaviors. To be more precise, the critics made by Yuan Shishuo's is deep-seated in Marxism.  Here is a direct quote from a pioneer religious sociologist Emile Durkheim who excerpts from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Religious is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the sentiment of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions.  It is the opium of the people." (42).

   Nevertheless, Ju Xiuxia 祝秀俠 has a relatively mild and fair criticism about Guan Yu.  Whether Guan Yu's moral spirit deserves an applause or not, he leaves the question open to all.  His sees there is nothing wrong with Guan Yu's virtues of loyalty and propriety; and its influence to the society.  Moreover, he even praises that this is an excellent Chinese traditional morality, and it should not be repressed but should be promoted.

   As mentioned earlier, it is important to be open minded and be objective as we make judgment toward the portraits of the characters.  The former faultfinding approach of Yuan Shishuo might have forgotten that the character of Guan Yu is a unique, blown up, not-true-to-life as well as larger-than-life figure.  He seems to have concentrated too much on the virtue of the character itself, and forgotten that it is something the author who creates it based on the measurement or standard of what a great general ought to be.  As for the historic fact, it is the author who supposes that it happens.  Concerning realism, it is the author who believes it could have happened yet it might not have occurred.  With reference to fictional quality, the character is blown up.

  Regarding reverie, it has very little truth in life.  Therefore, making one's own supposedly firm argument on the ground of doctrinal ideology is but a practice of someone who dogmatically seeks to apply theories to whatever he or she believes regardless of the practical problems involved.  In short, it is a practice of a doctrinaire.

   In spite of what great influence of this narrative fiction Sanguo yanyi has on its audiences, Guan Yu does not seem to deserve to be so highly recognized if one would judge him solely by his conducts.  Although he is loyal and courageous, one can see that he is only a coarse fellow.  He is brave but not resourceful.  He often does not regulate his behaviors for the most part.  He is so devoted that he is almost stubborn.  Moreover, to be loyal is to bring benefit but not harm to his superior.  We see that he at first rejects Zhuge Liang and later Huang Zhong 黃忠.  All of these conducts can be found from historic records such as Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑 as well as Sanguo zhi.  Therefore, his being accredited so highly is none other than the cardinal virtues of being a great general as Sun zi designates: That is trustworthiness, benevolence, courage and justice.

The Wise Zhuge Liang

   When Zhuge Kungming 諸葛孔明 first comes out to help Liu Pei, he is only a twenty-seven-year-old young man.  According to Ju Xiuxia 祝秀俠, Liu Pei is already forty-nine years old when he seeks help from this young recluse (1.)  However, in Sanguo yanyi as well as Sanguo zhi, we see that Zhuge Liang himself compares talent  to those of the Warring States heroes of a Prime Minister of Qi 齊國宰相--Guan Zhong 管仲, and a famous general of Yen 燕國名將--Le Yi 樂毅.  Even more, he is compared to Zhang Ziya 張子牙 who resurges the Zhou Dynasty and Zhang Zifang 長子房, who helps the first emperor of Han 漢高祖劉邦 Han Gaozu Liu Bang, to prosper the Han Dynasty.  To furthermore examine the wisdom of this superhuman advisor Zhuge Liang in Sanguo yanyi, one may take two approaches, namely macro and micro.  

The micro view about Zhuge Liang

    Zhuge Liang's appearance in this historic novel is in chapter thirty-eight and a few more chapters which forecast this mysterious individual's supernatural quality.  We see that Zhuge Liang is being described as a Daoist recluse, and it yields another possible way for us to explore this mythical Sleeping Dragon Recluse.  Is it sound to say Zhuge Liang is a true Daoist?  It seems we need to examine a little more about Daoism.  It is certainly not a good idea to jump into the most translated and major philosophical-religious work Lao Zhi 老子, also called Dao-de Jing 道德經.  Duy Can Nguyen, in his Lao-tu tinh-hoa, or "The Essence of Lao Zhi," has put quite a few brief commentaries to this earliest document in the history of Daoism ("Way").  In his preface, he has quite an idea of what Daoism is about.  His explanation about Daoism could be summarized as Philosophical Daoism and Religious Daoism.  The following is just a convenient reference for us to see his being a Daoist.  

Philosophical Daoism

    Dao is considered unnamed and unknowable, that is the essential unifying element of all.  Everything is basically one despite the appearance of differences.  They are not in opposition to one another, but are only two aspects of a single reality.  Matters of evil and good, and of true or false, as well as of differing opinions, arise when people lose sight of the oneness. 

    Nguyen Duy Can also says that the ultimate goal of life of a Daoist is to become an immortal.  A Daoist must cultivate a mystical relationship to the Dao and must avoid dispersing their energies through the pursuit of wealth, power, or knowledge.  By shunning every earthly distraction, the Daoist is able to concentrate on life itself.  The longer the adherence of life, the more saintly the person is to have become presumably.  

Religious Daoism

    According to Duy Can Nguyen, it is quite distinctive from its philosophical counterpart.  It emphasizes moral teachings and collective ceremonies.  Good moral conduct is rewarded with long life and health, while bad conduct results in suffering, disease, and death in the after-life.  He also says that this type of Daoist priests, or shamans known to the West, is to serve and perform exorcisms and complex rituals in the community they live.  The conclusion is that all types of Daoism have a quest in common.  That is the quest for a harmonious, well-ordered universe.  Through mysticism, magic, and ceremony, they emphasize the individual's and the group's need for unity.

    If we observe the superficial description by the author of Sanguo yanyi, it may not be appropriate to say that Zhuge Liang is a Daoist who leads a reclusive Daoist life.  However, in Sanguo yanyi, the episode of the Liu Pei's triple solicitation in which he encounters several people whom Liu assumes to be Zhuge Liang, it seems very clear that Zhuge Liang is a Daoist recluse from this perspective.  The first clue is that when Liu Pei is about to set out to Lungzhong 隆中 to see Zhuge Liang, Sima Hui 司馬徽 emerges with the appearance of a Daoist whom Liu Pei takes him as Zhuge Liang.  The second clue is that when Liu Pei is disappointedly heading home, there is another figure Cui Ping 崔平, Zhuge Liang's friend, being described as a Daoist appears.  Liu Pei again mistakenly assumes that this person to be Zhuge Liang.  The third would be Liu's another wrong assumption that Zhuge Jun 諸葛均--Zhuge Liang's brother.  Again this person he is paying a visit is not Zhuge Liang.  It is only because he dresses up in a Daoist fashion.  The fourth person Liu takes him to be Zhuge

Liang is his father-in-law.  The last obvious evidence is that when Zhuge Liang finally appears, he is being described as a tall, elegant gentleman with an incredibly lofty appearance of a Daoist.  All these evidences seem to point to one conclusion--Zhuge Liang is a true Daoist recluse.  Regardless this unreliable narration of the famous solicitations told in Sanguo yanyi, one should not be misled to believe that Zhuge Liang is a Daoist because one would not find the slightest indication that says Zhuge Liang is a Daoist in Sanguo zhi.  He should be understood as an extraordinarily talented person.

    By Duy Can Nguyen's definition of Daoism and what a Daoist would practice, he says that a Daoist must cultivate a mystical relationship to the Dao 道 and must avoid dispersing their energies through the pursuit of wealth, power, or knowledge.  Although Zhuge Liang does not pursue wealth, he seems to have not avoided the pursuit of power and knowledge.  Therefore, we may say that he is not a Philosophical Daoist.  However, does the retribution as stated in Religious Daoism mean anything to Zhuge Liang?  Does it also mean that he is not a true Daoist?  One may argue that he is invited to help the renewal of the Han empire, because that is the quest for a harmonious, well-ordered universe.  That is certainly an irrefutably sound argument.

    After all, whether Zhuge Liang is a real Daoist or not does not matter.  What is importance is this versatile young recluse reveals his outstanding ability for the first time in this triple solicitation, and establishes the first milestone for his future career.  Moreover, whether this famous episode of Liu Pei's triple solicitation does really take place or not, it should not be our concerns.  Indeed, In the Sanguo Zhi--Shu Shu Zhuge Zhuan 三國志--蜀書諸葛傳, it says that Liu Pei does visit him three times.  Here is what Chen Shou says in Shu Shu Zhuge Zhuan, "Hence, the Former Lord immediately visits Liang.  All in all he visits him thrice; he then meets him.  由是先主遂詣亮﹐ 凡三往﹐ 乃見。"

    In Sanguo yanyi, perhaps for artistic purpose of the fiction, the author may have over mystified Zhuge Liang.  What is interesting is that before he even sets out to help Liu Pei, he has very well advertised himself.  He has brilliantly laid out the scheme that Liu Pei would eventually make use of him.  It is simply because he discerns Liu Pei's being desperate for qualified eminent personnel.  Therefore, whether he mystifies himself or others name him as a recluse--Master Sleeping Dragon 臥龍先生, that well serves as a good propaganda.  Hence, these famous Three times Solicitations are Zhuge Liang's first success of carrying out his decisive measure in his debut action.

    As for his Daoist appearance, it is nothing but the technique of the author who has given Zhuge Liang the value of mysticism, magic, and exorcism.  It is perhaps more reliable to say that Zhuge Liang is not in the mode of Daoist hermitage but of Confucianist.  Song Jiucai 宋九才, in his article in a book entitled Gudai lishi renwu lunping 古代歷史人物論評, says that Zhuge Liang pays very close attention to the political situation, and he always discusses state affairs with scholars as well as leaders (22-34).  Thus, one can assume that Zhuge Liang never leads an idle live as a recluse because a recluse is supposed to be detached from the material world. 

The macro view about Zhuge Liang

    Through the scope of the macro level, we can see in the tripartite factions of the state of Wei 魏, Shu 蜀 and Wu 吳, that Zhuge Liang has indeed the policies of establishing the Shu kingdom.  Ju Xiuxia 祝秀俠, in his Sanguo renwu lun 三國人物論, has stated three major administrations in establishing the kingdom.  

    The first administration is to establish a state called Shu and reconcile with the state of Wu.  That is to occupy land as a fundamental foundation for building up the territory of the kingdom, and to gain alliance with the state of Wu.  Being at the southwest corner--the Sichuan area, the state of Shu can be self-sufficient in agriculture.  Moreover, the capital Chengdu 成都 is also a tactical point that can either be offensive and defensive.  One can see that the theater of operations in the Qi Shan area 祁山 is not far from the capital.  Meanwhile, the strength of Sun Quan 孫權 of Wu is indeed stronger than Liu Pei of Shu at the time.  On the one hand, Zhuge Liang wants to ally with Sun Quan to gain external aid from Wu; on the other hand, he has one less formidable enemy.  For this reason, we can catch sight of the great foresight of Zhuge Liang.  As for this plan, he successfully achieves his goals.

    The second administration is to stabilize the infrastructure and to drive out the intrusions.  By consolidating the national security with the forthright administration of a state, he prepares the rudiment of combat capability.  The political situation of Shu is a complete mess soon after his acceptance to assist Liu Pei.  The incurrence of imbalance of powers may sprout coup d'etat, therefore, he secures the political circumstance and he accomplishes this.

    The last administration is to subdue the barbarians and chastise the state of Wei.  In order to carry on the northward campaign, Zhuge Liang needs to secure the periphery of Shu, or Sichuan.  Fighting the southern barbarians is to eliminate future trouble.  Nevertheless, Zhuge Liang does subjugate the barbarians but  the expedition against Cao Cao launched to the north is a failure.

    In spite of the fact that Zhuge Liang might have been over glorified in many of the episodes in Sanguo yanyi to the extend that goes beyond the account of historic reality, he certainly deserves to be a symbol of Wisdom, or zhi 智.  The following brief summaries of the most famous episodes in Sanguo yanyi can help verifying the claim, and it also provides an overall and delicate definition of the wisdom of this military director.  

The Debut Fire tactics at Bowang Slope

    For displaying only a small part of his talent, Zhuge Liang, with several thousand of troops, he ripostes Cao Cao's general Xiahou Duan 夏侯惇 who leads hundred thousands of troops.  For the military director Zhuge Liang's debut at Bowang Slope 博望坡, by the fire tactics which he constantly uses in his later operations, he not only fends off a disaster, but gains the trust and respect of Guan Yu and Zhang Fei.  He fixes himself a status in the military forces of Liu Pei since then.

Using the Straw Boats to Borrow Arrows

    Zhuge Liang tries to make alliance with the state of Wu so that they can cooperate and fight against Cao Cao whose troops numbered hundred of thousands, with the suasion he sets out to the state of Wu.  We see that Zhou Yu 周瑜 of Wu intentionally tries to hinder in his efforts by asking him to make a hundred thousand arrows in three days.  Nevertheless, Zhuge Liang manages to hurdle over the obstacle with tremendous confidence.  With the cover of thick fog, he easily swindles the requested amount of arrows out of Cao Cao's archery.

Consuming the Chained-Boats with Flame

    In the Battle of Redcliff, assuming that the plan of linking up the boats to be a perfect strategy, Cao Cao accepts the disastrous plan suggested by PangTong 龐統.  Again with the help of the easterly wind, Zhuge Liang and Zhou Yu 周瑜 demolish Cao's naval force by flame. After this battle, the tripartitional trend is set.

Zhuge Liang Vexes Zhou Yu Thrice

    With his ingenious stratagem, Zhuge Liang first gains Nanjun 南郡 and Xiangyang 襄陽 of Jingzhou 荊州; he then counteracts Zhou Yu's scheme of employing a woman.  Eventually, Zhuge Liang unveils Zhou Yu's scheme and devastates the Wu's troops in the Jingzhou area.  Not only does Zhuge Liang establish the foundation for the future state of Shu, but he also virtually exasperates Zhou Yu to death as told in Sanguo yanyi.  

The Seven Captures and Releases

    The intrusion into the Shu territory by the southern barbarian monarch Meng Huo 孟獲, Zhuge Liang's strategy is not to destroy them but to gain the common aspiration of the people of the area.  For seven times, he captures and releases Meng Huo.  After the events, Zhuge Liang wins back the allegiance of Meng Huo and form an alliance since then.  

Abandoning the City to Drive away the Enemy

    After Ma Shu's loss of Jieting 街亭, Sima Yi 司馬懿 leads fifteen hundred thousand troops to pound on the Shu area.  At that moment, not only does Zhuge Liang lack the force to ward off the attack, but he has no great general at hands.  However, he drives off Sima Yi by abandoning the city.  This proves Zhuge Liang's audacity of a great military director as well as his employment of psychological warfare.

The Dead Zhuge Awes the Living Sima Yi

    As Zhuge Liang predicts his destiny reaches its limit, he commands his subordinates to cover up his death when he dies, and make a wooden idol of his likeness to fight against Sima Yi.  This awes Sima Yi and forces him to make a retreat.  Although Zhuge Liang has died, Sima Yi is still tricked by his ingenious stratagem. 

    Granting that the above summary from Sanguo yanyi cannot be entirely reliable, it does chronologically tell the overall plan of this brilliant historic figure.  Moreover, the reason why Zhuge Liang serves Liu Pei is because he considers Liu Pei is the legitimate successor of the Han throne.  He could have served Sun Quan who, as said in Zhuge Liang's biography in Sanguo zhi, already rules the Southeast corner area of China for three generations; or Cao Cao who is much powerful and has more massive troops than Liu Pei at the time, but he chooses Liu Pei.  Is it the sincerity of Liu Pei's consolidations that impress him?  It could be but it seems very unlikely for such an ingenious person.  Still and all, it could either he has no understanding of the overall political situation, or as Chen Shou quotes what Zhuge Liang says in his biography: "...A wise and capable person wishes to serve a distinctive lord.  ...智能之士思得明君。"

    Moreover, the entire tenor of this reiteration about the wisdom of Zhuge Liang is not meant to defend the exaggerated use of the hybolization of the author, but rather to find an appropriate rationale in handling the description in a profound manner about this broad-minded militarist and politician.  One of the few points on which critics of all times unanimously agree is that this historical individual plays major role in the tripartite factions.  It may not be true that he forsakes his recluse life to serve Liu Pei out of his undying gratitude as some scholars says.  However, as an indisputable historic figure recorded in Zizhi tongjian and Sanguo zhi, other than a bogus fictional character in Sanguo yanyi, the wisdom of Zhuge Liang is never to be questioned.

The Courageous Zhang Fei

    Zhang Fei 張飛, formal name Yide, 益德.  However, in Sanguo yanyi, his name is Yide 翼德.  How he earns his name as a symbol of courage is perhaps through the battle at Wakuo Pass 瓦口隘 and Changban Bridge of Dangyang 當陽長板橋.  In accordance to his biography in Sanguo zhi which says he alone challenges the pursuing enemy generals at Chang Ban Bridge when Liu Pei flees to Jiangnan 江南 as Cao Cao attacks Jing Chou 荊州.  Meanwhile, the case Zhang Fei releases Yan Yan 嚴顏 is also historically valid.  Conceivably, the portrayal in Sanguo yanyi as well as the legend transmitted among the common folks have yet brought him to such a symbol of courage.

    However, beside the traditional recognition of being a symbol of courage, Zhang Fei is being described more than that.  In Sanguo yanyi, there is an illustration about the interlude at Wakuo Pass 瓦口隘 where he plays a trivial trick to deceit Zhang Ge 張郃 and wins the battle.  He is not being described as uncouth but rather judicious.  After all, that is solely out of the author's fictionalization over the incident.  His biography in Sanguo zhi simply states that he wins out Zhang Ge over the battle.  Zhuo Meng an 榚夢庵, seems to have agreed that Zhang Fei defeats his opponents by a surprise move as told in Sanguo yanyi.  Yet he does not articulate or validate the incident (93).

    In Sanguo yanyi, the case Zhang Fei releases Yan Yan 嚴顏 is similar to that of Guan Yu who releases Huang Zhong 黃忠.  Both Huang Zhong and Yan Yan turn from foe to friend due to yi 義.  The capture of Yan Yan recorded In Sanguo zhi is that when Yan Yan is capture alive, Zhang Fei scolds him why he does not surrender to him.  Yan Yan's reply is that they do not have surrendered generals but only decapitated generals.  Zhang Fei simply pardons Yan Yan because admires his daring spirit.  By this, Zhang Fei seems to have achieved instant fame since then.

    Moreover, the famous and blown up episode that Zhang Fei confronts the huge enemy troops and the cavalry of some twenty generals at Changban Bridge at Dangyang is reliable only in the reliable history of Zizhi tongjian and Sanguo zhi, because we see three different versions of such incident at this battle.  In Sanguo zhi ping hua 三國志平話, there is certainly very little truth applied to the chivalrous description of Zhang Fei.  It says that Zhang Fei roars so loudly that it collapses the bridge.  In Sanguo yanyi, it has a more conservative narration but it contains the notional words in its portrayal of Zhang Fei's courage.  However, it logically points out that Zhang Fei orders to have the bridge destroyed.  In Sanguo zhi, there are about a dozen references to the place Changban Bridge, but such incident can be found only in the biography of Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, Ma Chao, and Zhao Yun, or 關張馬趙傳.  What it says is that Zhang Fei confronts his enemies behind the collapsed bridge and no one dares to come forth and tussle with him.

    From the above induction, Zhang Fei is more than just a symbol of courage.  He is a symbol of intelligence as well as propriety.  From the preface of a book entitled Lidai mingjiang yanxing lu 歷代名將言行錄 by Jiang Zhongzheng 蔣中正--leader of Guomin Dang 國民黨, Jiang Zhongzheng also quotes Sun Zi's idea of what a great general should be.  In this book, Zhang Fei is listed as a famous general with the above mentioning three incidents.  Considering that moral standard of those times, he is certainly qualified to be a humane, courageous, stern, wise and trustworthy general.

 Conclusion

    After all, the five cardinal virtues of the Confucian ideology are benevolence 仁, uprightness 義, proper manner 禮, wisdom 智, sincerity 信, while Sun Zi's military virtues are wisdom 智, sincerity 信, benevolence 仁, courage 勇 and strictness 嚴.  It seems to reach to a conclusion that an ideal and powerful ruler ought to have all the five virtues of the Confucian ideology as well as those of Sun Zi.  Quite obvious, Liu Pei does not have all these virtues.  For military personnel, it does not seem that one has to be upright.  Cao Cao seems to have all the military virtues except benevolence.  The unique character of Guan Yu, he seems to have all of the virtues except wisdom.  Zhuge Liang, his most distinguished virtue of all is wisdom which out-shines his other virtues.  Finally, Zhang Fei, the least mentioned person in Chinese history, has all of the virtues of being a military man, but not so distinguishable.  The sublimity, after all, of moral attitude and transcendental perfection can be attained only by legendary heroes, but not by any living or historic person.   

  Therefore, the characters in Sanguo yanyi can be considered to be legendary heroes as well as historic figures.  Why they are legendary heroes is because they are characters being fictionalized in Sanguo yanyi.  Why they are historic figures is because they are recorded in the Chinese orthodox history of Sanguo zhi and other historic records.

    Furthermore, the literary value of this historic fiction is not simply a source of aesthetic pleasure, a way to express pent-up emotions, or a channel to indulge in flights of fancy.  Rather, from its inception, it serves as a guide to everyday living.  It fills the existence of people with meaning.  It is a voice of the social conscience from more than seventeen hundred years ago.  It reflects the trends of history.  From a framework of a modern point of view, scholars and critics have always attempted to justify the supposedly correct or incorrect morality of a society that exists seventeen centuries ago, but their efforts will eventually lead to a pending question.  Perhaps why they adopt a largely negative or positive attitude toward this vernacular fiction is because of its popularity.  

Works Cited

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