The internationalization of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, or Save Narmada Movement, has had a great impact on India's state sovereignty. International environmental NGOs, such as Oxfam, the Environmental Defense Fund and the International Rivers Network, took advantage of the porous nature of the state's territorial and national borders. International actors intervened in the domestic affairs of the Indian state and built up the fire of the Save the Narmada Movement. The NGOs took part in enormous amounts of information exchange, proving that the state is unable to maintain “absolute control over territorial borders.”(Brown 1995: 15) Also, these interactions caused new, transnational identities to be formed, eroding the state identity. Thus state sovereignty was compromised as a result of the internationalization of the Narmada Bachao Andolan.
Numerous local NGOs coalesced to form the Narmada Bachao Andolan in response to the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Dam along the Narmada River in the Indian state of Gujarat. The Narmada River is the largest westward flowing river in India and empties into the Indian Ocean. The state began planning the dam in 1946, but only started construction in the mid 1980s. Because the dam would not only affect the state of Gujarat, but also would cause flooding in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, two neighboring states, construction was delayed. By 1983 the states’ disputes had been reconciled and extensive planning began. The plans called for the displacement of several thousand families from the river valley. It is now estimated that well over 100,000 families will be displaced by the flooding of the valley. (Fisher 1995: 15) The Narmada Bachao Andolan, led by Medha Patkar, rose in protest over the displacement and the state’s plans, or lack there of, for the rehabilitation and resettlement of the "oustees." The movements strengthened and grew to incorporate dozens of international NGOs. Such groups, which deal with the environment as well as human rights, internationalized the movement. The fight against the Indian government and the dam’s principle investors developed tremendous support and challenged state sovereignty.
In 1984, John Clark, of Oxfam United Kingdom, first became involved with the Sardar Sarovar Dam Protests. With his help the movement acquired an international following. He enlisted several environmental organizations, such as the Environmental Defense Fund and Friends of the Earth, who “for the first time heard of human rights issues associated with the SSP [Sardar Sarovar Project].” (A. Patel 1995: 184) This major transmission of information helped begin the International Narmada Campaign. Lori Udall claims that the internationalization of the movement was dependent on the connection between the local and international movements. “The heart of the International Narmada Campaign is its partnership, information sharing and collaboration with the Narmada Bachao Andolan.” (Udall 1995: 210) This sharing of information between groups allowed for both sides to fight effectively. India’s geographical borders were meaningless in terms of the exchange of ideas and strategy between local and international protesters. The state could not regulate this exchange. The international actors were influencing and interfering in domestic affairs of the state. Thus, the internationalization of the movement challenged state sovereignty.
The local movement, with the help of the international coalition of NGOs, was able to spread information throughout the world with hearings, symposiums and tours. Medha Patkar, for instance traveled to the United States and spoke before a Congressional panel on two separate occasions. Her goal during both occasions was to stop the World Bank, one of the SSP’s principle investors, from supplying loans to the Indian state. Patkar also spoke before Paul Arlman, a World Bank Executive Director at a World Bank Committee Meeting in Washington DC. After this meeting she kept in regular correspondence and shared information on the project with him. Also, the sharing of information at the International Narmada Tokyo Symposium, hosted by Friends of the Earth (Japan) allowed for a great proliferation of information regarding the Narmada dam, throughout Japan. The lines between domestic and international affairs became blurred with these exchanges of information. Again, the state was unable to control this flow of information and the internationalization undermined India’s sovereignty.
Intimately connected to the transfer of information between the local and international movements is the development of new identities. The nature of the debate produced strong local identities, which grew in opposition to the state. The destruction of sacred lands and entire villages prompted one old woman to exclaim: “I will not move, I will die here. They may give me land and water and whatever. But can they give me my Chimakheda?” (Patkar, 1995: 158) The mantra of the Narmada Bachao Andolan became “Hamara gaon mein hamara raj” (Our villages, our rule).(Fisher 1995: 4) Such strong local identities fused with the environmental NGOs, producing a strong antidevelopment movement. The internationalization of the local movement, by international environmental NGOs, allowed for the transfer of information to the rest of the world. New commonalties developed as a result. Fisher argues that the movements share values and goals about the development. They are united in opposition to the traditional development paradigm espoused by the World Bank and manifested by the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Dam. (Fisher 1995)
After the International Narmada Campaign Japanese symposium, thousands of letters condemning the project, forced the Japanese-based Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund, a principle investor in the dam, to cease all support of the construction of Sardar Sarovar. New commonalties developed as a result of the symposium and motivated the letter-writing campaign. Such commonalties cut across national boundaries resulting in identities which defy the old world order. (Spiro 1995) These identities developed in opposition to the state and thus eroded state identity and nationalism. Nationalism is a key component of state sovereignty (Biersteker and Weber 1996; Barnett 1996; Doty 1996; Brown 1995) Thus, as the state identity erodes, the internationalization of the local movements challenges state sovereignty.
State sovereignty is composed of borders, both geographical and national. When these borders dissolve and the state no longer has total supremacy over its territory, its sovereignty declines. With increasing globalization, new international actors are eroding state sovereignty. This becomes evident as one looks at the internationalization of the Narmada Bachao Andolan. Transnational alliances between Northern environmental NGOs and the local resistance movements allow for the transmission of money and information across the borders. New identities also form as a result of the connections. Thus, the internationalization undermined the state’s sovereignty.