Part 5 (last) - Continued from previous page

The Communist Party of the Philippines evaluates the basic contradictions in the world as follows:
“1. Contradictions between the bourgeoisie and proletariat. The objective conditions for the intensification of the class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat exist. The crisis of overproduction is worsening in the industrial capitalist countries... But the subjective forces of the proletarian revolution are still small and weak in the imperialist countries...
2. Contradictions between imperialism and oppressed peoples and nations. Through the use of neo-colonialism and wars of aggression, the imperialists have carried out the most bitter oppression and exploitation and the ruination of national economies in Asia, Africa and Latin America and in the former Soviet block countries in Eastern Europe and elsewhere.
3. Contradictions among the imperialists...” (CPP, About the monopoly capitalist “globalization”, 1996).

It is important to see how the Communist Party of the Philippines raises the issue of war, and thus, of the evaluation of the inter-imperialist contradictions: 
“But it will take some time for the worsening crisis of overproduction to sharpen the inter-imperialist contradictions to the point of breaking up the current alliance of imperialist countries and bring forth the imminent danger of inter-imperialist war... There is now neither an imminent inter-imperialist world war nor an impending total collapse of imperialism nor an unhindered and unlimited growth of industrial capitalism in the world. But there is more than enough disorder and instability to stimulate the emergence and development of revolutionary forces.” (CPP, About the monopoly capitalist “globalization”, 1996).

The basic contradictions in the modern world

Therefore, there are three basic contradictions in the modern world. These seem to be tallying with three of the four outlined by the Chinese communists 36 years ago. But the content of these contradictions has been modified, just as the relationship among them. These contradictions interact. This interaction of today is different from that a few decades ago.

The Chinese communists, when answering to Palmiro Togliatti, in the chapter “Two totally different views on the contradictions in the world” they write: 
“When analyzing the world contemporary situation, the marxist-leninists must have a good command of essential facts, political and economic, for the different countries of the world, and be able to understand the essential contradictions, which are: the contradiction between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp; the contradictions within the very imperialist countries; the contradiction between the imperialist countries and the oppressed nations; and, in the capitalist countries, the contradictions between the bourgeoisie from the one side and the proletariat, the working people from the other, between within the several monopolistic corporations, between the monopolies of the bourgeoisie and the lower middle bourgeois strata, etc. It is obvious, that only through the knowledge of the contradictions, their analysis and the analysis of the modifications that those contradictions have in the different periods, and through the tracking down of the meeting point of the concrete contradictions, the working class parties of all the countries will arrive to a correct evaluation of the international and national situation, and they will base their policy on secure theoretical positions.” (More on the differences between comrade Togliatti and us, 3.4.1963).

What are the modifications of the basic contradictions in the past years, and what is the meeting point of the specific contradictions in today’s world? The basic contradictions in the monopoly capitalist world, which is globalized after a period of split of the system, present many modifications if compared with the basic contradictions in the ‘60s. Apart from the elimination of one of the basic contradictions, there is a modification of the mutual influence of the three others between them. For instance, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is strengthened and globalized in conditions in which the latter is developing and expanding. That is, it is demonstrated more intensely not only in the capitalist countries, but also in the dependent countries and those with a medium level of capitalist development. If the globalized capitalism means the subordination of the working force on a worldwide scale for the extraction of surplus value and the simultaneous development of the working class in selected areas in the periphery of the world, then this means intensification and demonstration of this contradiction. At the same time, the globalized monopolistic capitalism means that the imperialist imposition on the globe through the three world and internationalized networks (the economic, the military and the information networks), brings the working class, the peoples and the oppressed nations all over the world in opposition to the imperialist Directorate or the New World Order. Therefore, we can talk about a modification of the basic contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations and peoples in the following sense: The monopolistic capitalism which is globalized after a split of the system, leads to a situation in which the contradiction imperialism/oppressed peoples and nations on a world-wide scale is shifted to the contradiction imperialism/working class, peoples and oppressed nations. This contradiction tends to become the prevailing one in the world. The New World Order, the imperialist Directorate on the one hand, and the working class, the proletariat of all the countries, the peoples and oppressed nations of the entire world on the other hand, confront each other and clash. This is the way in which the basic contradictions we knew meet, cross, interlace. In this dominant framework function and are modified all the basic contradictions.

We are trying to outline a course, a content resulting from the analysis of the economic and political terms on an international level. The obstacle in such an attempt is the schematic way of conceiving and presenting the reality: “The imperialist countries on the one hand and the oppressed by imperialism countries and nations on the other”. The situation is a bit more complicated. Not only today, but also in the past, there was not such a schematic way of conceiving reality. In the “25 points” the Chinese communists make a series of distinctions among several countries that were liberated from the imperialist yoke and they pinpoint special features in some of them, etc.

The Third International in its 6th Congress gave a more analytical presentation and categorization of the various countries of the world. We quote it because sometimes the discussion on the basic contradictions might take a simplifying character:
“The variety of conditions and paths for the transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat in every country can be schematically divided into three main types.
Countries of the developed capitalism (USA, Germany, England, etc.), with strong productive forces, highly concentrated production, where small scale economy is of relatively limited importance, with a bourgeois-democratic political regime which has been established a long time ago. In these countries, the basic programmatic demand on the level of politics is the immediate transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat. As regards the level of economy, the characteristic points are: the expropriation of all the big-scale production; the organization of a considerable quantity of state soviet sovhoz, and, instead, the offer of relatively insignificant part of the land to the peasants; the relatively restricted extent of spontaneous market relations; the fast pace of the socialist development in general and of the collectivization of the agricultural economy in particular.
Countries with a medium level of capitalist development (Spain, Portugal, Poland, Hungary, Balkanic countries, etc.) with considerable remnants of semi-feudal relations in the agricultural economy, with a certain minimum of material preconditions necessary for the socialist reconstruction, where the bourgeois-democratic transformation has not been completed. In some of these countries a more or less quick transition of the bourgeois-democratic revolution to a socialist one is possible. In other countries types of proletarian revolution are possible, which they have, however, to fulfil tasks of bourgeois-democratic character in a great extent. Consequently, in this case the dictatorship of the proletariat might not be immediately achieved; instead it could be accomplished in the process of transition from the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry to the socialist dictatorship of the proletariat. Where revolution directly develops as a proletarian revolution, it pre-supposes the guidance of the broad peasant movement by the proletariat. The agrarian revolution generally plays a colossal, and sometimes decisive, role. In the process of expropriation of the big landownership, a considerable part of the seized land passes over to the peasantry’s disposal. The extent of market relationships after the victory of the proletariat is considerable. The task of the peasantry’s organization in cooperatives, and later of its productive union as well, is of great importance among the other tasks of the socialist reconstruction. The rate of this reconstruction is relatively slow.
Colonial and semi-colonial countries (China, India, etc.) and dependent countries (Brazil, Argentina, etc.) with a certain embryon or sometimes even with a considerable development of the industry, the latter being insufficient, however, in most cases, for an independent socialist construction. These are countries where the feudal-medieval relationships, or relationships of the ‘asian mode of production’ are dominant both in the economy and the political super-structure of the country. Finally, these are countries where the most important industrial, commercial and bank entreprizes, the main means of transport, the big land properties and the plantations, etc., are concentrated in the hands of the foreign imperialist groups. The struggle against feudalism and the pre-capitalist forms of exploitation and the agrarian revolution, conducted consistently, on the one hand, and the struggle against the foreign imperialism for the national independence on the other hand, are of primary importance. The transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat is possible here, basically, only through a series of preparatory stages, only as a result of a whole period of transformation of the bourgeois-democratic revolution into a socialist one. Furthermore, successful socialist reconstruction is possible in most cases only on the condition that it is directly supported by the countries of the proletarian dictatorship.
Even more backward countries (in some parts of Africa, for instance) where there are almost no, or not at all, salaried workers, where the majority of the population lives in tribes and where remains of the primitive forms of the race society still exist, where the national bourgeoisie is almost inexistant, where the foreign imperialism plays mainly the role of military occupator, who deprives them of their land. In these countries, the fight for national liberation is of primary importance. The national revolt and its victory can here open a way for a development towards socialism, without their going through the stage of capitalism generally, provided they are offered great help in practice by the countries of the proletarian dictatorship.”
The analysis of the Communist International led to the adoption of specific strategic forms for the rallying of the working class in each country and for the type of social alliances, which should be forwarded.

The category of countries with a medium level of capitalist development does not seem to be bothering too much the discussion among marxist-leninist parties today. Nevertheless, a series of countries have these characteristics and many of the social phenomena in them are related to the development of capitalism in these countries. The issue of the quality of capitalism, of its usually dependent and supplementary role for the monopolistic capital in contemporary conditions, cannot be analyzed under the category of “bureaucratic capitalism”, as this was done in China in the decades of ‘30-’40. 

Nowadays that the national, social, cultural flattening is attempted in the name of globalization and internationalization, it is completely wrong to overlook the significance of the struggle for independence. The content of this struggle, considering its social content and the forces forwarding it, coincides more and more with the struggle for socialism.

The flag of independence cannot be raised and waved by the bourgeoisie in the conditions of globalization and restructuring. No matter whether there are moments in which the bourgeoisie adduces it (when cornered or pressed; but in any case it adopts it without believing in it), those who have to respond to the duty of the advance of the fight for independence more than ever before are the communists, and they have to associate it with the struggle for the socialist perspective.

Just as at the time of the first New Order its smashing was the pre-condition for any real advance in the process of social progress, and just as they combined or had to combine then the fight against the New Order with the aims of the national liberation and the people’s power, we have to do the same today: the overturning of the New World Order, wherever it appears and whatever forms it takes, has to be associated with the prospect of independent, self-reliant, anti-concentrative development, always on the basis of a new political power.

--  It is unquestionable that the focal points of the serious developments and decisive battles are the extensive areas of Asia, Africa, Latin America, but also of the ex-Soviet block.
In these areas the basic contradiction takes the form of the contradiction between people/nation and imperialism. But even in these conditions we notice the more and more intense appearance and independent action of the contradiction proletariat/bourgeoisie, the latter appearing in the form of the comprador bourgeoisie.
We include in the frame of this contradiction (people/nation-imperialism) the cases of countries not participating in the globalized capitalist market (although they adapt more and more to it and intensify their openings to it). Such cases are for us Cuba, Korea and Vietnam.
On this basis, we express our support and solidarity to the peoples suffering the attacks and interventions of the imperialist Directorate, we denounce the embargoes and the violation of all sense of national sovereignty and independence.

--  Considering the inter-imperialist conflicts, we would like to pinpoint some aspects: the formation of the three basic centres of the imperialist world (USA, Japan, Europe) signifies an important change in the imperialist camp during the recent years. The monopolization of the word dominance by the two superpowers belongs to the past, and Russia will need a lot of time until it regains an important role. The USA is trying to take advantage of the gap, but in the years of the crisis it has experienced a decline of its economic power and has felt other powers approaching it. Military blackmail is a basic pivot for the maintaining of its primacy. Germany has started playing the role of a superpower and claiming emphatically what it regards as “belonging” to it. 

What is the significance of the inter-imperialist conflicts? We believe that the thought is valid that, in the absence of an important revolutionary pole in the world and as long as the world crisis of capitalism deepens, the inter-imperialist contradictions can in some cases play a central role in the course of things. The developments in a series of regions, which are the focal points of the inter-imperialist antagonism, are mainly determined by the course of the conflict among the imperialist powers, and this contradiction predominates over the contradiction imperialism-peoples in these regions. Of course, when interventions, wars, etc. are launched in order to solve the dispute for the markets and the territorial sharing, the other contradictions are activated and have their role too.

Stalin writes in “The Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR” regarding the subject: “They say that the contradictions between capitalism and socialism are stronger than those among the capitalist countries. Theoretically speaking, this is right of course.”. But in the case of the 2nd World War, “the struggle of the capitalist countries for markets and the desire to stifle their competitions, proved stronger in practice than the contradictions between the camp of capitalism and the camp of socialism” (1952). So, we shouldn’t be surprised if today these contradictions prove to be stronger in some cases than the other basic contradictions. Since we referred to the work of Stalin, it is worth reading another important formulation. This is about the basic economic law of contemporary capitalism. Stalin says: “The basic characteristics and the basic requirements of the basic economic law of contemporary capitalism could be formulated, for example, in the following way: ensuring of the highest capitalist profit by the means of exploitation, destruction and misery of the majority of the given country’s population, by the means of enslavement and systematic pillaging of the other countries’ peoples, particularly of the backwarded countries, and finally by the means of wars and of economy’s militarization, used in order to assure the highest profits.”. Even this law leads to conclusions very close to the unity that the world proletarian movement should have. 

It would be somewhat schematic to conceive the contradiction bourgeoisie-proletariat as mainly occurring in the imperialist countries and to believe that the contradiction peoples and oppressed nations-imperialism is solved through the democratic revolution, while the contradiction bourgeoisie-proletariat through the socialist revolution. In our opinion, nowadays the anti-imperialist revolution in the storm zones also has to confront the problems raised by the monopolistic capitalism which is globalizing, and it necessarily has anti-restructuring characteristics. The struggle in the countryside and the periphery of the world cannot but take under consideration all the changes and modifications brought about by the restructuring process. The enlargement of the proletariat and half-proletariat poses a series of duties for the new vanguards, which cannot be postponed for other times. The form of the new democratic revolution and especially of the people’s war may, in some cases, lead to the underestimation of the work, which should be done among the working class, in the cities. The right relationship between the work among the peasantry and in the countryside, and the work among the working class and in the areas where huge masses are packed, is a difficult but also focal/central point for all vanguards.

About the tasks of the revolutionaries

Likewise, in many resolutions we notice a separation of the tasks of the revolutionaries in the imperialist countries from the tasks of those in the dependent countries. At the same time, there is blatant lack of analyses and positions stressing the need for unified struggle of the proletarians and oppressed peoples and nations against the common enemy, the New World Order. As we tried to analyze up to here, the New World Order is not just the form of the big powers’ foreign policy, but a political superstructure founded on a material basis, which is the result of the restructuring process; therefore, the struggle against it has a content on many levels: the anti-imperialist and the anti-capitalist tasks interlace more than ever before in the past.

If we think of the great slogans “Proletarians of the world, unite!” and “Proletarians of the world, oppressed nations and peoples, unite!”, we will gain a better understanding of the tasks posed to us. The slogan “Proletarians of the world, unite!” emerged 150 years ago, in the Communist Manifesto. Since then, capitalism has expanded to regions which were not caught in its toils then in ways other than the world trade. The proletariat has become broader, it has increased, and it became the basic majority of the world population. The proletarian is present all over the world, a fact that is a result of the globalized monopolistic capitalism. This proletariat must really unite through common struggles all over the world. The objective basis of such struggles is more than ever existing. Even the struggle of a part of the proletariat in a multi-branched multinational monopoly in a Third World country needs, in order to be successful, the solidarity and mobilization of the workers in the other sections of this multinational monopoly in other countries. The supranational integrations also work in the same direction. The confrontation of the internationalization of capitalism requires the internationalization of the proletariat’s struggle. The slogan “Proletarians of the world, oppressed nations and peoples, unite!”, introduced since the anti-imperialist struggle became the immediate reserve of the world proletarian revolution, expresses a direct and urgent need nowadays. The application of this slogan-urge means to immediately create, today, now, the common front of the working class, the peoples and the oppressed nations against the New World Order. The unity of these movements is necessary in order to strike blows against, and isolate, the main counter-revolutionary power, which is nowadays unified in the New World Order.

The international character of this movement is a huge weapon in the struggle against the New World Order. This has not been yet fully understood/realized. A relative reference in phrases, does not also signify that attempts have been undertaken in order to cover this gap. 

3.3. Suggestion for the formulation of a general line

(The present proposal, a proposal clearly in need of enrichment)

Therefore, after all the above presented, we consider that the general line of the contemporary communist movement could be formulated somehow as follows:

“Let’s resist the New World Order, the greatest enemy of the humanity; let’s smash the holocaust prepared by the imperialist Directorate and its lackeys! 
Let’s modify the correlation of power in favour of the forces of progress in a worldwide scale, through struggles and movements, by promoting the International Community of the Peoples, which is the large front of the fighting classes, strata and nations against the New World Order and the dual society. 
Let’s, step by step, reconstruct the Communist Movement, that is the necessary and decisive force capable of uniting and offering perspective to the struggles. 
Let’s construct the communist program, throwing away anything rusty, old-fashioned and anachronistic was created by the domination of revisionism for more than thirty years. 
Let’s spread the position of the timeliness of socialism and communism as the unique positive way out of the capitalist barbarity”.

By presenting, and mainly by trying out such a general line, we are confident that the Communist Movement of our days will open the roads leading to the Proletarian Revolution in the 21st century!
 

END OF THIS DOCUMENT
 

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