THE PAN-AFRIKAN LIBERATOR

Agitate until we create a stable society that benefits all our people.

Instigate the nation until we remedy the injustices of society.

Motivate our people to set a meaningful path for the coming generations.

Educate our people to free our minds and develop an Africentric consciousness.

VOL. 1 NO. 10   $2.00    Monthly Newsletter of KiMiT     MAY 1993

THE VOICE FOR AN INDEPENDENT MONTSERRAT

Published by Chedmond Browne, P.O. Box 197, Plymouth, Montserrat

We are constantly being told that we must achieve self-sufficiency. We need to get away from the beggar mentality and strive to arrive at a position where we can look after ourselves. It is either that or we accept the position of crown colonials forever and continue to survive as beggars.

If we choose to remain colonials then we ought to stop the farce of the democratic experiment we call self-government and spare ourselves the cost of maintaining the trappings.

We should revert to direct colonial rule and in the process trim to the right civil service numbers to man the services required for survival.

The economic priorities can be determined by the committee based in Barbados and implemented by the teams that now function as the administrators of British aid in the colony.

We can then all pursue our various private lives under the continued generous benevolence of "Her Majesty."

Or, we can choose the path of self-determination which must bring with it the need for self-sustaining economic growth.

The road to self-determination requires achievement of certain transformations in the community.

It requires political and economic changes that will affect the heart of the common beliefs and assumptions held in apparent reverence for some time now.

To achieve self-determination one must hold as sacred the notion that it is in the best interest of a people to make the decisions which affect the quality of their lives.

It cannot be felt that others know what is in your own interest better than you do and consequently give them the responsibility to do as they see fit on your behalf.

If it is at all possible that we can agree that we should be the ones to make our life choices as we see them for ourselves, then we have all agreed that a path to self- determination is the only path that we travel to make the quality of life we aspire a reality.

The British have accepted the principle before the world that all people should have the right of self-determination and that they will assist those people under their colonial rule to achieve a state of development so that they can be categorized as self- determined.

Having agreed they are obligated.

We must, therefore, make the first decision, the most important decision: that we would wish to continue to make from here, the important decisions that affect our lives.

We now need to communicate this and determine for ourselves what we require to make it a reality.

We need a government that is responsible to the people and responsive to their needs and aspirations.

We need a system and a structure that is fashioned to account for the cultural mores of the people it serves. It must be constructive. It must seek to maximize the advantages of our circumstances and mini- mize the disadvantages.

It must be capable of assessing as time and circumstances change what forces are impinging on our ability to maintain a state of self-determination, and formulate the means to remove the restrictions. It must be dynamic.

We need now to require the British to fulfill their obligations by assisting in the process of transformation by making active economic inputs and assume a passive political role in order to facilitate the creation of our system.

A constitutional change is necessary with a structural adjustment of the Public Sector imperative as first steps. (See PAL, Jan., '93 ed.)

The current forum series which looks at our present conditions are instructive to make clear the type of things which do not provide for our best interest.

It can show the areas where the structure influences the functioning and implementation of the system either positively or negatively.

We must then look at the construction of a system designed by the people for the people it will serve.

It is obvious that there are serious constraints to the development of Montserrat.

Apart from the obvious lack of some attractive feature like a scarce and valuable natural resource which can earn us valuable income, there are other factors which limit our ability to use what little we have to best advantage.

We lack a population base which can sustain the basic economic activity to make the economy regenerate itself.

We lack the basic infrastructure which could enable us to use the small resources we do have to generate enough internal activity to cause self sustaining growth.

We lack the financial resources to put the infrastructure in place and to assist with the development of economic activities needed for growth.

We lack the motivating factors which could possibly assist in putting what little resources we do have together in a manner that could maximize their potential despite the other lacking factors.

All of the above negatives feed on each other and we have not yet developed a way to break this cycle.

The population will not grow until there is in place the where-with-all to support it.

The where-with-all cannot be developed unless the basic infrastructure is put in place to encourage further investment in activities that can cause self sustaining growth and we cannot accumulate for ourselves the capital needed internally unless there is already substantial economic activity from which to cream capital for public sector development.

The motivating factors necessary to maximize efforts will remain elusive if there does not appear to be a reasonable likelihood that there will be economic growth.

On examining the list of negatives it appears that one way of breaking the cycle would be to get the necessary infrastructure in place and at the same time attempt to develop the motivating factors, which will assist in harnessing the small resources we do have in a targeted manner, and address the problems on the negative list as immediate priority.

What basic infrastructure can be seen as critical?

There are two areas that seem critical to any developing or developed community in this world which are found severely wanting in our situation. Our physical communications and our financial institutions.

In the case of the physical communications their complete inadequacy is the problem and in the other case, the policy directions and lack of available capital.

The problem of the financial institutions with regard to policy and available capital might be more easily ameliorated if the first problem of physical communications was solved because it would put a different picture on the investment prospectus and thus, possibly without further intervention, a new look at policy.

We a need a new airport with facilities to accommodate not only the movement of people but the movement of goods. We need a new seaport to complement movement of people and goods not best handled at an airport facility.

We have some agricultural potential which could generate income by sale of primary products as well as related agro-based secondary products. This would form part of the necessary economic activity which must be generated in order to achieve the sustainable growth mentioned earlier.

Breaking the cycle of economic constriction, under which we currently find ourselves, must be the primary goal of any strategy to obtain a position of self- sustaining growth.

That cycle can be broken if we were able to acquire at minimum cost, the capital as well as recurrent financing required to establish a reliable and efficient physical communication system. Fortunately we already have the basis for a first-class telecommunications system.

Movement of people and goods from an island community like ours is essential for any development strategy that involves anything else other than information transfer.

It is recognized that this is an area of activity that speaks to the future demands of any growing economy, but the generation of and the use of information starts and ends with people.

Thus, the needs of people must be addressed as a fundamental issue no matter the basis of the economy of a community.

If one were to postulate that our economy could be built on a sector or commodity that does not require physical communication, one would then be saying that the economy can generate for its people, internally, all its needs including food, clothing and shelter, the most basic of needs.

We know this is not the case, but lest we feel this is the only argument for proper, reliable and efficient physical communications let us examine the real possibility that exists for the realization of an economy based on the movement of people, tourism.

Or an economy based on the movement of goods derived from an agricultural foundation, or the more fragile base of small assembly type industry. All require the availability of proper physical communications.

To attempt any of the above possible strategies or a combination of any of them we see the dire need for this basic infrastructure.

How do we achieve this goal?

It is quite likely that the facility at Port Plymouth may prove to be as adequate as required for our immediate needs, but its recurrent costs, especially in the area of debt servicing might just prove as constricting as the absence of the facility.

The prospect of obtaining adequate airport facilities given present policy outlooks will further escalate the costs of providing and maintaining the physical requirements for communication.

The price tag again may prove to make any attempt to construct facilities counter-productive.

However, we do know that without them we go nowhere.

The British government must provide us with the basic infrastructure we require for our economic survival.

To take the path to self-sustaining growth our infrastructure must be developed. Any other type of aid is geared towards continuing on the path of colonial mendicancy.

As a fulfillment of their commitment to the United Nations and to the world community to assist us on the path to self- determination we should demand that the British put in place as the number one priority and immediately, the physical infrastructure we require to achieve the goal of self-sustaining growth.

All efforts that have been made and contemplated to move towards the desired goals have and will encounter the cycle of constriction which stifles all in its grip.

Let us look at the benefits of low port charges on our economy: In the short term an immediate fall in the cost of living.

An increase in disposable income to the average wage earner and the possibility of increasing internal cash flow especially in the light of the greater agricultural production which currently exists.

In the medium term it would stimulate the investment in sectors requiring some one- off import costs and primarily local recurrent inputs to maximize the existence of additional disposable income.

Unfortunately this may tend to stimulate growth in the imported consumables but this could be off-set by discouraging the importation of items that could be provided by increased local activity in production.

In the long term it would assist to lower the cost of exports developed due to increased investment in-- and development of-- the productive sector.

The benefits of a proper airport facility with no additional financial costs over the recurrent maintenance burden could stimulate the economy in the manner described for the port facility.

It would also stimulate the increased movement of people into the island thus increasing the local consumer base and enhancing the cost ratios associated with any investment in the economy.

All of the above factors would allow the financial institutions to see benefits of a change in policy to encourage investments in the productive sectors and not just providing financing for consumer purchases.

The cycle having been thus broken, an economy with the potential for internal regeneration can be put on track towards self-sustained growth.

This, therefore, suggests that the acceptance of anything less than what is implicit in the demand for the British to establish the infrastructure outlined, with the conditions proposed, would not be in the best interest of a self-determined people.

Break the walls of oppression, Set us the captives free.
Free us from your subjective bonds,
Crippling our generations,
Once ever dominant and in full bloom.

Release your chains

Set Jah people free

Colonialism and Imperialism Injected into our minds,
The flock is scattered,
The wolves are preying.
Be strong my Brothers and Sisters,
Behold Jah will gather you the chosen from every corner and crevice of the Earth.

Release your chains

Set Jah people free

The road is long and rocky,
Only the strong will survive.
Prophecy is close at hand,
The seals will soon be broken,
And we will once again be free.

Afrikans in the diaspora are currently returning to the continent in large numbers.

From the days of slavery to the present Afrikans have been in close contact with the land from which they were forcefully taken.

The western media has taken great care over the years, in minimizing the fact that Afrikans have been returning and continue to return to their regional, cultural and historical roots.

Mae Jemison, the first Afrikan woman to orbit the Earth, has left the space program (NASA) to launch a project to improve health care in the Motherland, Afrika.

Ms Jemison joined the space program in 1987 and became an american showpiece when she flew a spacelab mission on the space shuttle Endeavour in September 1992.

Ms Jemison, a 36 year-old General Practitioner, had undertaken research work and management of health care systems in Sierra Leone and Liberia before joining NASA.

Ms Jemison says, "I leave with the honour of having been the first woman of colour in space, and with an appreciation of NASA, the organisation that gave me the opportunity to make one of my dreams come true."

Ms Jemison speaks Swahili, Japanese and Russian, excels in modern jazz dancing, and collects Afrikan Art.

Having realized the dream of conquering space, Ms Jemison says that she is looking forward to concentrating her energy on the improvement of the conditions of Afrikans throughout the world.

Ms Zeinab Badawi, a high profile newscaster on channel 4 news in england, had told the media that she intends to purchase a riverboat, load it with medical supplies and sail along the Nile river to some of the hardest hit regions and aid her people.

Ms Badawi comes from Sudan and is attempting to assist her people by bringing knowledge of their situation to the world. Ms Badawi says, "Access to the people is extremely difficult, and the only way to get to some parts is along the Nile."

The Nile river has served the people of Afrika for thousands of years and continues to be a major link in the life of the region.

One of the highest paid models in the world, Iman, has also recently returned to her homeland, Somalia, to see if she can bring assistance and world attention to her country. Somalia, currently occupied by american and western forces is seeking to re-establish local control and a return to law and order.

Three years ago Reabetsoe Mohlanka did not know how to hold a pen. She was one of the many illiterate people in Lesotho, a tiny mountain kingdom in Southern Afrika with a population of 1.8 million people.

At the age of 22, Mohlanka was already married and tied down with the burdens of making life for her family. Five years later, Mohlanka not only reads and writes, but also owns her own school.

Mohlanka's classes are full of children from families who cannot afford the fees charged by state and private schools. She also holds afternoon classes for unashamed adults.

Mohlanka says her life was changed by the Lesotho Distance Teaching Center (LDTC) through its intensive program designed to train volunteers to teach adults in the community.

After graduating in 1991, she went back to her community convinced that literacy could go a long way in assisting her people to help solve many of the problems that affect the community.

"Putting the concept into practice was not easy. When I began in 1992, people thought of me as someone who wanted to make fast money. But as time went on, they realised that knowing how to read and write was necessary in life."

So far 56 adults have passed through her program. What I want most she says is that no one in my village or the closer villages live in the dark because of illiteracy.

When Chinua Achebe--now regarded as Afrika's most prominent writer--published his first novel at the age of 28, his reputation, to use one of his beloved metaphors, "grew like a bushfire in the harmattan."

That was 1958, and in the following decades that bushfire has never been quenched.

Achebe debut novel, Things Fall Apart, was to become an international classic in the truest sense and immediately attracted unanimous international praise.

Achebe cites one of the key inspirations for his first novel as Joyce Carey's Mr. Johnson. Carey's novel, set in Nigeria, indulged in colonial stereotypes, portraying Afrika and its people as chaotic, childlike and an object of ridicule. Achebe recalls:

"It was praised so much, and it was clear to me that it was a most superficial picture of -- not only the country -- but even of the Nigerian character, and so I thought if this was famous, then perhaps someone ought to try and look at this from the inside."

Set in an Igbo village at the turn of the 16th century, Things Fall Apart tells of the dislocation of Afrikan society by the impact of colonialism and christianity.

The novel, selling over 8 million copies and translated into 45 languages, was to make him the most widely read Afrikan writer in the world. In the eyes of critics, to date, no Afrikan novelist writing in English has surpassed the greatness of that novel -- not even Achebe himself.

Born in Ogidi, in the eastern part of Nigeria on 15 November 1930, Achebe was one of six children. His father was a devout evangelist and church teacher, his grandfather, one of the first men in Nigeria to embrace Christianity.

Achebe was educated at his local mission school and graduated from University College Ibadan in Literature. Initially following a career in broadcasting, he wrote his first three novels whilst he was Director of External Broadcasting in Nigeria during the early sixties.

Many consider Achebe's strength as a writer, lecturer and thinker, to lie in his ability to present a thoroughly Afrikan world in thoroughly Afrikan terms."

His creativity is embedded in his particular Igbo culture. Although he was raised in a Christian environment, most of his relatives held on securely to traditional Igbo religion and customs.

The Igbo beliefs remain central to all his thinking and writings, in particular its pluralism. Traditionally, the Igbos have no centralized institutions or powerful kings or chiefs as did Nigerians from other areas such as Yoruba of the South, or Hausa of the north.

Authority was scattered among the small villages; thus they had their own local deities, but shared a common belief in the supreme God, Chukwu. To each person Chukwu gives a chi.

Therefore Achebe's belief is that every person has an individual chi who created him... a person's fortunes in life are controlled more or less by his chi.

Achebe's writings are laced liberally with rich Igbo proverbs and tradition, as he says: "Among the Igbo the art of conversation is regarded very highly, and proverbs are the palm-oil with which words are eaten.

His sense of pride and commitment to his society is also a key force behind all his writings.

He often says his prime motivation as a writer was to prove "That Afrikan people did not hear of culture for the first time from Europeans; that their societies were not mindless but frequently had a philosophy of great depth and value and beauty, that they had poetry and above all, they had dignity.

And of the commitment to the community, he stresses: "...an Afrikan creative writer who tries to avoid the big social and political issues of contemporary Afrika will end up being completely irrelevant -- like that absurd man in the proverb who leaves his burning house to pursue a rat fleeing from the flames."

Chinua Achebe's other novels include, No Longer at Ease (1960), Arrow of God (1964), A Man of the People (1966), and Anthills of the Savannah (1987).

The Montserrat Annual Pilgrimage is rescheduled to premiere in August 1993 with an 8-day long program of cultural and sporting events - of fun and pleasure.

The Pilgrimage is designed to strengthen the bond between all Montserratians and to reacquaint those living abroad with the resident creative talent, and also the beauty of the isle that so many visitors consider to be a paradise.

The invitation to the event, rescheduled for August 14-21, 1993 and also the first through the second Saturday after August Monday every year thereafter, is extended to all Caribbean people and our friends through out the world.

For more info. write Montserrat Annual Pilgrimage, P.O. Box 346, Montserrat, W.I. or phone 809 491 2230, Fax 809 491 7430. Also Dept. of Tourism.

South Africa's whites have reached the point of no return. The time has come when they have to decide whether to back President de Klerk and Nelson Mandela in their march towards peaceful reform or whether to try to put the clock back and revert to apartheid, world condemnation, sanctions, and sports boycotts.....

The white right-wing of South Africa, long shunned as a bunch of loonies, is finally on the rampage. Both President F.W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress have expressed fears that 1993 may be yet another year of living dangerously.

So grave is the situation that right-wing terror activities might disturb the fragile constitutional negotiation process.

The well-trained members of the right-wing groups have driven untold anxiety into the hearts of the population, by bombing 11 installations ranging from schools to beer halls.

As Piet "Skiet" Rudolph, spokesperson for the white supremacist Afrikner Werstandsbeweging (AWB), explained: "1992 started in flames and there is no doubt it will escalate."

The right-wingers' opposition to the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), an all-party congress that has been entrusted with the responsibility of drawing up a new constitution for a new, non-racial South Africa -- have manifested themselves in a sudden upsurge of bombings.

Groups, including the Conservative Party, the official opposition, have refused to sit alongside the government and the African National Congress and other groupings around the negotiating table.

Eugene Terreblanch, the leader of the AWB, has said that "if we ever meet the ANC, we would do so over the barrel of the gun."

The white supremacists want a white election first. They believe President F.W. de Klerk has no mandate from the white electorate to carry on with his "illegitimate" reform process.

In his steadfast opposition to CODESA, Dr. Andried Treurnicht, leader of the Conservative Party, has said that unless there is a white election, it will a year of "conflict and confusion."

On the 10th of April 1993 Chris Hani, Secretary General of the South African Communist Party (SACP), and former head of the military wing of the African National Congress was assassinated.

A suspect, Janusz Walus, who has been linked to the AWB was arrested for the murder.

The AWB is a white supremacist group that has links with high ranking right wing officials in the South African govern- ment and the House of Parliament in England.

Rioting erupted as the popular leader was mourned. Business leaders and investors were frightened at the thought of an outright civil war as white supremacists attacked black townships and police fired indiscriminately into protesting crowds.

No Peace! War! War! shouted youths in Cape Town as they expressed their outrage.

The township youths along with Winnie Mandela are tiring of talks with no results. They are now openly accusing Nelson Mandela and the ANC of selling out the masses.

What made Hani so dangerous was his military background, his popularity with the masses and the fact that he was the heir apparent to Nelson Mandela as the man who would lead the future South Afrika.

The South African government refused to declare a day of mourning for Chris Hani's burial.

The Azanian People's Liberation Army, APLA, in a faxed statement said the assassination of SACP general-secretary, Mr Chris Hani justified the "continued guerilla attacks" on the government.

In the statement, issued on Saturday, April 10th, APLA chief-of-staff, Mr. Barney Mzolo, said Mr. Hani was the victim "of the vicious spiral of violence being perpetrated by the Pretoria regime through its notorious hit-squads and other hired forces."

He said Mr. Hani had interacted with top PAC military officials and senior APLA officers in a number of military and political gatherings.

Transkei leader, Major General Bantu Holomisa, has called off an inquiry into APLA, saying the assassination of Mr. Chris Hani was part of an alleged operation sanctioned by the SA government to eliminate activists in the Eastern Cape.

"The murder of Chris Hani cannot be divorced by the ongoing implementation of Operation Katzen approved by the cabinet of President de Klerk," said General Holomisa.

"As far as we are concerned the investigations of APLA in Transkei, under our proposed commission of inquiry is now closed." In a reaction, a government spokesman from Cape Town said the South African administration had taken note of General Holomisa's "irresponsible outburst."

The bloody massacre of the unarmed demonstrators in Lome, almost in front of the Franco-German mediation delegation, could mark the countdown to the end of the regime of President Eyadema in Togo.

Since then, France and Germany have cut off all aid and other European Community countries are due to follow.

The Lome population was caught up in a joyous mood when the joint Franco- German delegation arrived in Lome for talks with key politicians, to end the protracted political crisis.

Everyone hoped that the French Minister for Cooperation Marcel Debarge and the German Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Helmus Schafer, could bring peace to the troubled country where an indefinite strike had continued since it was called by the unions on 13 November, paralysing all economic activity.

On the fateful morning of January 25, opposition vans toured the streets of Lome exhorting all citizens to turn out for a mass demonstration to present their grievances.

By 4pm there was scarcely standing room in the Fleurs de Jardin where militant youths gathered to march towards the Palace of Conferences to present a petition.

They were met by Eyadema's police whose orders were to prevent them from marching. In the end, 17 people lay dead and over 35 wounded.

The opposition leaders who had avoided the demonstration said the massacre vindicated their call for French military intervention.

Prime Minister Koku Koffigoh, of Togo, is caught between Eyadema, a president who is still clinging to power and an opposition determined to impose its will and achieve revolutionary change.

Koffigoh who started with the full support of the National Conference has now become the fall guy.

Prime Minister Joseph Koku Koffigoh now in his prime at 45 has all the attractive credentials of an accomplished lawyer upon whose lean shoulders destiny has chosen to rest the future of Togo's fragile democratic process.

A darling of the struggle to wrestle political power from the iron grasp of President Gnassingbe Eyadema, Prime Minister Koku Koffigoh defeated a formidable line up of opponents including the current opposition coalition President, Professor Messan Leopold Gnininvi, at the National Conference to become interim Prime Minister in August 1991.

Since then he has perhaps sacrificed more for democracy than most heroes put together in Togo.

Having survived an assassination attempt by unidentified soldiers who stormed his private apartments in October 1991, Koffigoh became an instant celebrity when for six days he was held under a barrage of cannon fire by dissident soldiers in Lome on 28 November 1991.

Held briefly hostage on 3 December, 1991, he came out unscathed and defied soldiers' orders to form a government which did not have the sanction of the interim parliament.

Tough and resolute, Koffigoh had things his own way, and brokered a compromise that saved Togo from the brink of national collapse.

Sadly enough, and in a vein of irony, Koffigoh has today become the political black-leg of the opposition alliance of a sort of bete-noire shunned by his erstwhile political bed-fellows who now accuse him of selling out to President Eyadema.

Four major US oil companies are sitting on a prospective fortune in exclusive oil concessions to explore and exploit tens of millions of acres of the Somali countryside, according to geologists and industry sources.

That land, in their opinion, could yield significant amounts of oil and natural gas if the US-led military mission can restore peace to the nation.

According to the industry sources, nearly two-thirds of Somalia was allocated to the US oil giants Conoco, Amoco, Chevron, and Phillips Petroleum in the final years before ex-President Mohamed Siad Barre was over-thrown and the nation was plunged into chaos in January 1991.

The sources indicate that the companies holding the rights to the most promising concessions in northern Somalia will also help to protect their multi-million-dollar investment there.

The companies are well positioned to pursue Somalia's most promising potential oil reserves the moment the nation is pacified.

The Eritrean people last month took part in an historic vote on the future of their country, which is north of Ethiopia along the Red Sea.

The Eritreans have been the winners in Afrika's longest war, which started in 1962 against the government of Haile Selassie and ended in May 1991 when Mengistu Haile Mariam fled the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, just ahead of the advancing freedom fighters.

That victory, almost two years ago, created the opportunity for the Ethiopian and Eritrean people to begin choosing a new, harmonious way of living together without the interference of dictators.

The transi- tional government of Ethiopia made it clear that they would recognise the rights of the Eritrean people to self determination and the provisional government of Eritrea set about preparing for a referendum to determine the wishes of their people.

About 4 million people live in Eritrea, a country about the size of Britain, and at a time when large parts of the world seem to be in greater confusion than ever before, it is very inspiring to see these determined people taking their future in their hands.

In 1884 Afrika was divided up by the Great Powers at the tragic Berlin Conference and since then we have been struggling against those divisions which have been used to divide and rule us all.

At the end of a long, brutal war against Afrika's largest army, the Eritreans are rejecting the Berlin Conference in a dignified and forceful display of their right to self-determination.

All humans have the right to self-determina- tion, including the reclamation of occupied lands, and today's Eritreans are sounding the horn of Afrikan liberation.

A star burns bright in East Afrika tonight and as the Eritreans start to plan a future for their new country we must salute them and tell others that history is in the making here.

Our right to decide the affairs that govern and control our lives is not a question for argument.

Neither is the fact that the colonial powers, particularly England as far as Montserrat is concerned, owes us and should pay us.

It is obvious that all is not well with our situation in Montserrat.

It also cannot be disputed that the colonial powers have placed the Afrikan population where it is, and they cannot divest themselves of the responsibilty to pay their debt, that is, to put the physical structures in place so that it would be possible for us to function independently in the near future.

Furthermore, we as a people are not blameless. It is true that our value system is determined by the conditions of the society in which we are born.

But, that society is evidently harmful to us. Therefore, it would be totally irrational for us not to take any action to change these conditions.

We are conditioned to take for granted that some persons are inferior to others in their capacity to achieve and that whole groups of people are unimprovably inferior.

This notion validates the system and provides an incentive for the few in the position to do so, to go ahead and reap its benefits at the expense and detriment of the majority.

If we are to escape powerlessness and dependency then we must put into place the infrastructure that will assist all the people and our country in its forward movement. We must create a society that is structured to operate in our best interests.

We must convince those who need to be convinced of the soundness of our cause and the benefits that will accrue to us all from its adoption. After all, who can know what's best for us than ourselves?

We must prepare ourselves and our children to change our society by teaching them as clearly and as soundly as possible, the nature of our society, why it must be modified, and how it can be changed.

It is up to our educators and other "enlightened" members of our society to undertake its realization.

Your letters, comments or other contri- butions are welcome. Please note that your letters and articles will NOT BE printed if you indicate that you wish to remain anonymous.

Our mailing address is:

The Pan-Afrikan Liberator
P.O. Box 197
Plymouth, Montserrat, West Indies
Tel: 809-491-6962; Fax: 6335

If you are interested in overseas subscriptions please send inquiries to the address above.

"WHY DONT YOU CHECK OUT YOUR MIND?? YOU MAY BE SURPRISED AT WHAT YOU FIND. IF YOU CANNOT FIND YOUR MIND MABYE YOU LEFT IT ALL BEHIND. A MIND IS A TERRIBLE PART OF YOUR BEING TO WASTE."

Mwongozi Cudjoe Browne